Syntax, lexical categories, and morphology
1
CHAPTER 1
Syntax, lexical categories, and
morphology
1.0
Introduction
This book is an introduction to the basic concepts of syntax and syntactic
analysis. Syntax is a central component of human language. Language has often been
characterized as a systematic correlation between certain types of gestures and mean-
ing, as represented simplistically in Figure 1.1. For spoken language, the gestures are
oral, and for signed language, they are manual.
It is not the case that every possible meaning that can be expressed is correlated with a
unique, unanalyzable gesture, be it oral or manual. Rather, each language has a stock of
meaning-bearing elements and different ways of combining them to express different
meanings, and these ways of combining them are themselves meaningful. The two
English sentences
Chris gave the notebook to Dana and
Dana gave the notebook to
Chris contain exactly the same meaning-bearing elements, i.e. words, but they have
different meanings because the words are combined differently in them. These differ-
ent combinations fall into the realm of syntax; the two sentences differ not in terms of
the words in them but rather in terms of their syntax. Syntax can thus be given the
following characterization, taken from Matthews (1982:1):
The term ‘syntax’ is from the Ancient Greek
s)ntaxis, a verbal noun which
literally means ‘arrangement’ or ‘setting out together’. Traditionally, it refers
to the branch of grammar dealing with the ways in which words, with or
without appropriate inflections, are arranged to show connections of meaning
within the sentence.
First and foremost, syntax deals with how
sentences are constructed, and users of
human languages employ a striking variety of possible arrangements of the elements in
sentences. One of the most obvious yet important ways in which languages differ is the
order of the main elements in a sentence. In English, for example, the
subject comes
before the
verb and the
direct object follows the verb. In Lakhota (a Siouan language
of North America), on the other hand, the subject and direct object both precede the
Figure 1.1.
Language as a correlation between gestures and meaning
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verb, while in Toba Batak (an Austronesian language of Indonesia; Schachter 1984b),
they both follow the verb. This is illustrated in (1.1), in which
the teacher,
waXspekhiye
ki and
guru i function as subjects, and
a book,
wówapi wN and
buku function as direct
objects.
(1.1)
a. The teacher is reading a book.
English
b. WaXspekhiye ki wówapi wN yawá.
Lakhota
teacher
the book
a read
c. Manjaha buku guru i.
Toba Batak
read
book teacher the
The Lakhota and Toba Batak sentences also mean ‘the teacher is reading the book’, and
in the Lakhota example the subject comes first followed by the direct object, whereas in
the Toba Batak example the subject comes last in the sentence, with the direct object
following the verb and preceding the subject. The
basic word order in Toba Batak is
thus the opposite of that in Lakhota. There are also languages in which the order of
words is normally irrelevant to the interpretation of which element is subject and which
is object. This is the case in the following Russian sentences.
(1.2)
a. UAitel’nica Aitaet knigu.
Russian
teacher
read book
b. Knigu Aitaet uAitel’nica.
book read teacher
c. Bitaet uAitel’nica knigu.
read teacher
book
Again, all three of these sentences mean ‘the teacher is reading the book’, and in
these Russian examples the order of the words is not the key to their interpretation,
as it is in the sentences from the other three languages. Rather, it is the form of the
words that is crucial. The
-a on the end of
uAitel’nica ‘teacher’ signals that it is the
subject, and the
-u on the end of
knigu ‘book’ indicates that it is the direct object. If
the word for ‘teacher’ were the direct object in a sentence, then it would end in
-u, as
in (1.3).
(1.3)
a. FenCAina videla uAitel’nic
u.
Russian
woman saw teacher
b. UAitel’nic
u videla EenCAina.
teacher
saw woman
‘The woman saw the teacher.’
These changes in the form of the words to indicate their function in the sentence are
what Matthews referred to as ‘inflections’, and the study of the formation of words
and how they may change their form is called
morphology. These examples illustrate
the important relationship between syntax and morphology: something which may
be expressed syntactically in some languages may be expressed morphologically in
others. Which element is subject and which is object is signalled syntactically in the
examples from English, Lakhota and Toba Batak, while it is expressed morphologic-
ally in the Russian examples. Syntax and morphology make up what is traditionally
referred to as ‘
grammar’; an alternative term for it is
morphosyntax, which explicitly
recognizes the important relationship between syntax and morphology. Even though
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this book is focussed on syntax, morphology will nevertheless be an important part of
the discussion.
Thus a more complex picture of the nature of language emerges than that given in
Figure 1.1; it is summarized in Figure 1.2.
All of the examples looked at so far involve simple sentences, but one of the most
important syntactic properties of language is that simple sentences can be combined
in various ways to form complex sentences. In terms of Figure 1.2, one could say that
syntax makes possible the formulation of expressions with complex meanings out of
elements with simple meanings. One of the defining features of human language is its
unlimited nature; that is, the number of meaningful expressions that can be produced
by users of a human language is potentially infinite, and this expressive potential comes
from the combination of the basic meaningful elements with syntactic principles. Much
of the interest in language in psychology and cognitive science comes from what the
study of the cognitive mechanisms underlying language use and acquisition can reveal
about the human mind.
This book has three goals: first, to introduce the basic concepts of syntax; second,
to elucidate the principles and tools of syntactic analysis, which make it possible for
linguists to analyze the grammatical systems of human languages; and third, to give an
overview of the typological range of phenomena found in human languages which syn-
tacticians seek to describe. The content of this book is presupposed by more advanced
courses in syntactic theory, and hence it is intended to prepare the reader for such
courses. The perspective of the book is primarily
descriptive, and theoretical issues will
be raised only in chapter 6. To many people the term ‘grammar’ evokes bad memories
of
prescriptive rules learned in school, e.g. ‘don’t split infinitives!’ Since the early
part of the twentieth century, linguistics has rejected the prescriptive tradition which
underlies school grammars and focusses instead on describing what users of human
language actually do, not on prescribing what they should do.
A central part of the description of what speakers do is characterizing the
gram-
matical (or
well-formed) sentences of a language and distinguishing them from
ungrammatical or (
ill-formed) sentences. Grammatical sentences are those that are in
accord with the rules and principles of the syntax of a particular language, while un-
grammatical sentences violate one or more syntactic rules or principles. For example,
(1.1a) is a grammatical sentence of English, while
Teacher the book a reading is would
not be. Ungrammatical sentences are marked with an asterisk, hence *
Teacher the book
a reading is. This sentence is ungrammatical because it violates some of the word order
rules for English, that is (i) basic word order in English clauses is subject–verb–object,
(ii)
articles like
the and
a precede the
noun they modify, and (iii)
auxiliary verbs like
is precede the
main verb, in this case
reading. It is important to note that these are
English-specific syntactic rules; this word order is perfectly grammatical in Lakhota,
Figure 1.2.
Language as a correlation between gestures and meaning
(revised)
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as (1.1b) shows, and if the Lakhota words were arranged in the English order, e.g.
*
Ki waXspekhiye yawá wN wówapi [the teacher reads a book], the result is thoroughly
ungrammatical. Well-formed sentences are those that are in accord with the syntactic
rules of the language; this does not entail that they always make sense semantically.
For example, the sentence
the book is reading the teacher is nonsensical in terms of
its meaning, but it violates no syntactic rules or principles of English; indeed, it has
exactly the same syntactic structure as (1.1a). Hence it is grammatical (well-formed),
despite being semantically odd.
The organization of the book is as follows. In this chapter a number of distinctions
that are relevant to the discussion in the remainder of the book are introduced. First,
two aspects of syntactic structure are distinguished, one of which will be the main topic
of chapters 2 and 3, and the other will be the main topic of chapter 4. Second, the
traditional notion of parts of speech are reviewed, as these categories will be important
throughout the book. Finally, a brief introduction to some of the basic concepts of
morphology and morphological analysis is presented, with emphasis on those notions
that will be especially pertinent to the discussion in the succeeding chapters.
The next three chapters present basic syntactic phenomena from two different ana-
lytic perspectives and introduce the concepts and analytic tools used in each. Many of
the same grammatical phenomena will be analyzed from each perspective. In chapter 5
the basics of writing a grammar to describe syntactic phenomena will be presented; the
formulation of rules to express the generalizations arising from syntactic analysis and
the role of the lexicon in a grammar will be discussed. Different linguistic theories
make different sets of assumptions about the nature of syntactic structure and accord-
ingly employ different analytic principles and tools. In chapter 6 the basic ideas of four
linguistic theories will be summarized, and their approaches to important grammatical
phenomena, including the formation of information questions (e.g.
What did you see?)
and the
passive voice (e.g.
The bread was eaten by the mouse), will be compared and
contrasted. These two phenomena are especially revealing for a comparison of theories,
because the accounts given by the various theories highlight the conceptual and analytic
differences among them.
1.1
Aspects of syntactic structure
In the syntactic structure of sentences, two distinct yet interrelated aspects must
be distinguished. The first one has already been mentioned: the function of elements as
subject and direct object in a sentence. ‘Subject’ and ‘direct object’ have traditionally
been referred to as
grammatical relations. Hence this kind of syntax will be referred
to as ‘
relational structure’. It includes more than just grammatical relations like
subject and direct object; it also encompasses relationships like
modifier–modified,
e.g.
tall building or
walk slowly (
tall,
slowly = modifier,
building,
walk = modified) and
possessor–possessed, e.g.
Pat’s car (
Pat’s = possessor,
car = possessed). Relational
structure will be the primary focus of chapters 2 and 3.
The second aspect concerns the organization of the units which constitute sentences.
A sentence does not consist simply of a
string of words; that is, in a sentence like
The
teacher read a book in the library, it is not the case that each word is equally related
to the words adjacent to it in the string. There is no direct relationship between
read
and
a or between
in and
the;
a is related to
book, which it modifies, just as
the is related
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to
library, which it modifies.
A is related to
read only through
a book being the
direct object of
read, and similarly,
the is related to
in only through
the library being
the object of the
preposition in. The words are organized into units which are then
organized into larger units. These units are called
constituents, and the hierarchical
organization of the units in a sentence is called its
constituent structure. This term
will be used to refer to this second aspect of syntactic structure. Consider the eight
words in the sentence
The teacher read a book in the library. What units are these
words organized into? Intuitively, it seems clear that the article
the or
a goes with, or
forms a unit with, the noun following it. Is there any kind of evidence beyond a
native speaker’s intuitions that this is the case? Determining the constituent structure
of sentences is the major topic of chapter 4, but a brief preliminary look at the kind
of evidence needed follows.
If the article forms a unit with the noun that follows it, we would expect that in an
alternative form of the same sentence the two would have to be found together and
could not be split up. Thus in the passive version of this sentence,
A book was read
by the teacher in the library, the unit
a book serves as subject, and the unit
the teacher
is the object of the preposition
by. The constituent composed of a noun and an article
is called a
noun phrase [NP]; as will be shown later, NPs can be very complex. The
preposition
in and the NP following it also form a constituent in this sentence (
in the
library); it is called a
prepositional phrase [PP]. The fact that the PP is a constituent
can be seen by looking at another alternative form,
In the library the teacher read
a book. Finally, the verb plus the NP following it form a unit as well, as shown by a
sentence like
I expected to find someone reading the book, and reading the book was a
teacher. The constituent composed of a verb plus following NP is called a
verb phrase
[VP]. As with NPs, VPs can be quite complex. In each of these alternative forms, a
combination of words from the original sentence which one might intuitively put
together in a single unit also occurs together as a unit, and this can be taken as evidence
that they are in fact constituents. Using square brackets to group the words in con-
stituents together, the constituent structure of
The teacher read a book in the library
may be represented as in (1.4). (‘S’ stands for ‘sentence’.)
(1.4)
[S [NP The [N teacher]] [VP [V read] [NP a [N book]] [PP [P in] [NP the [N library]] PP]
VP] S]
Note the nesting of constituents within constituents in this sentence, e.g. the NP
the
library is a constituent of the PP
in the library which is a constituent of the VP
read a
book in the library. In chapter 4 constituent structure will be explored in detail.
At the beginning of this section it was noted that the two aspects of syntactic
structure, relational structure and constituent structure, are ‘distinct yet interrelated’,
and it is possible now to see how this is the case. For example, a VP was described as
being composed of a verb and the following NP, but it could alternatively be charac-
terized as involving the verb and its direct object. Similarly, a PP is composed of a
preposition and its object. NPs, on the other hand, involve modifiers, and accordingly
the relation between
the and
teacher could be described as one of modifier–modified.
Thus, these two aspects of syntactic structure are always present in a sentence, and
when one or the other is emphasized, the sentence is being described from one of the
two perspectives. It will be seen later that different grammatical phenomena seem to be
more easily analyzed from one perspective rather than the other.
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1.2
Lexical categories
In the discussion of the constituents of sentences, reference has been made
to nouns and noun phrases, verbs and verb phrases, and prepositions and prepositional
phrases. Nouns, verbs and prepositions are traditionally referred to as ‘parts of speech’
or ‘word classes’; in contemporary linguistics they are termed
lexical categories. The
most important lexical categories are noun, verb,
adjective,
adverb and
adposition,
which subsumes prepositions and
postpositions. In
traditional grammar, lexical
categories are given
notional definitions, i.e. they are characterized in terms of their
semantic content. For example,
noun is defined as ‘the name of a person, place or thing’,
verb is defined as an ‘action word’, and
adjective is defined as ‘a word expressing
a property or attribute’. In modern linguistics, however, they are defined morpho-
syntactically in terms of their grammatical properties.
Nouns may be classified in a number of ways. There is a fundamental contrast
between nouns that refer uniquely to particular entities or individuals and those that do
not; the best example of the first kind of noun is a proper name, e.g.
Sam,
Elizabeth,
Paris or
London, and nouns of this type are referred to as
proper nouns. Nouns which
do not refer to unique individuals or entities are called
common nouns, e.g.
dog,
table,
fish,
car,
pencil,
water. One of the important differences between proper and common
nouns in a language like English is that common nouns normally take an article, while
proper nouns do not, e.g.
The boy left versus *
The Sam left (cf. *
Boy left versus
Sam
left). Common nouns may be divided into
mass nouns and
count nouns. Count nouns,
as the name implies, denote countable entities, e.g.
seven chairs,
six pencils,
three dogs,
many cars. Mass nouns, on the other hand, are not readily countable in their primary
senses, e.g.
*two waters,
*four butters,
*six snows. In order to make them countable, it
is necessary to add what is sometimes called a ‘measure word’, which delimits a specific
amount of the substance, e.g.
two glasses/bottles/drops of water,
four pats/sticks of butter,
six shovelfuls of snow. Measure words can be used with count nouns only when they are
plural, e.g.
*six boxes of pencil versus
six boxes of pencils,
*two cups of peanut versus
three jars of peanuts.
Pronouns are closely related to nouns, as they both function as
NPs. Pronouns are traditionally characterized as ‘substitutes’ for nouns or as ‘standing
for’ nouns, e.g.
John went to the store, and he bought some milk, in which
he substitutes
or stands for
John in the second clause. This, however, is true only of
third-person
pronouns like
he,
she,
it, or
they; it is not true of
first-person pronouns like
I or
second-person pronouns like
you. First- and second-person pronouns refer to or index
the speaker and addressee in a speech event and do not replace or stand for a noun.
Verbs can likewise be categorized along a number of dimensions. One very import-
ant dimension which will be discussed in detail in chapters 2 and 3 is whether a verb
takes just a subject (an
intransitive verb), or a subject and a direct object (a
transitive
verb), or a subject, direct object and
indirect object (a
ditransitive verb). This will
be referred to as the ‘valence’ of the verb. Another dimension concerns the kind of
situation it represents. Some verbs represent static situations which do not involve
anyone actually doing anything, e.g.
know as in
Chris knows the answer, or
see as in
Pat sees Dana over by the bookcase. Some symbolize actions, e.g.
run as in
Kim ran
around the track, or
sing as in
Leslie sang a beautiful aria. Others refer to a change
of state, e.g.
freeze as in
The water froze (the change in the state of the water is from
liquid to solid), or
dry as in
The clothes dried quickly (the change in the state of the
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clothes is from wet to dry). Some represent complex situations involving an action plus
a change of state, e.g.
break as in
Larry broke the window with a rock (Larry does
something with a rock [action] which causes the window to break [change of state]).
This classification of verbs is quite complex and is more appropriately in the domain
of semantics rather than syntax. However, some syntactically relevant aspects of the
meaning of verbs will be investigated in chapter 2.
Some examples of adjectives in English include
red,
happy,
tall,
sick,
interesting,
beautiful, and many others. Adjectives typically express properties of entities, e.g.
a
red
apple,
a tall
woman,
a beautiful
sunset. Some properties are inherent attributes of
an entity; for example, some apples are red because they are naturally so, whereas some
barns are red because they have been painted red, not because they are inherently red.
Hence color is an inherent property of apples but not of barns. Some languages signal
this distinction overtly. In Spanish, for example, the adjective
feliz means ‘happy’, and
whether it is an inherent or permanent property of the person referred to is signaled by
the verb it is used with, i.e.
Maria es feliz ‘Maria is happy (a happy person)’ versus
Maria está feliz ‘Maria is happy (now, at this moment but not necessarily always)’.
Spanish has two verbs meaning ‘be’,
ser and
estar, and one of the differences between
them is that
ser plus adjective (
es in this example) is used to signify inherent or
permanent attributes, while
estar plus adjective (
está in this example) serves to indicate
non-permanent, transitory attributes.
English adverbs typically, but not always, end in
-ly, e.g.
quickly,
happily,
beauti-
fully,
rapidly and
carefully.
Fast and
friendly are exceptions;
fast is an adverb without
-ly (it can also be an adjective), and
friendly, despite the admonitions of road signs in
Texas to ‘drive friendly’, is an adjective, e.g.
a friendly
waiter. Adverbs modify verbs,
adjectives and even other adverbs, and they can be classified in terms of the nature of
this modification; manner adverbs, for example, indicate the manner in which some-
thing is done, e.g.
The detective examined the crime scene carefully, or
The ballerina
danced beautifully, while temporal adverbs, as the name implies, express when some-
thing happened, e.g.
Kim talked to Chris yesterday, or
Dana will see Pat tomorrow.
Yesterday and
tomorrow do not end in
-ly and have the same form when functioning as
an adverb that they have when functioning as a noun, e.g.
Yesterday was a nice day,
Tomorrow will be very special. The most common adverbial modifiers of adjectives
and adverbs are words like
very,
extremely,
rather, e.g.
a very tall tree,
the extremely
clever student,
rather quickly. This class of adverbs is referred to as
degree modifiers.
Prepositions are adpositions that occur before their object, while postpositions occur
after their object. English and Spanish have only prepositions, e.g. English
in,
on,
under,
to, Spanish
en,
a,
con, whereas Japanese and Korean have only postpositions.
German has both:
in dem Haus ‘in the house’ (preposition
in) versus
dem Haus
gegenüber ‘over across from the house’ (postposition
gegenüber).
There are a number of minor categories. The category of
determiners includes
articles like
a and
the, and
demonstratives like
this and
that. Determiners modify
nouns in relation to their referential properties. Articles indicate roughly whether the
speaker believes her interlocutor(s) can identify the referent of the NP or not; an
indefinite article like
a(n) signals that the speaker does not assume the interlocutor(s)
can identify the referent of the NP, while a
definite article like
the indicates that the
speaker does assume that the interlocutor(s) can identify it. Demonstratives, on the
other hand, refer to entities in terms of their spatial proximity to the speaker; English
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this refers to an entity close to the speaker, while
that refers to one farther away.
(
Which book do you mean? This one here or that one over there? versus *
This one over
there or that one here?) Many languages make a three-way distinction: close to the
speaker (English
this, Spanish
esta [FEM]), away from the speaker but not far (English
that, Spanish
esa [FEM]), and farther away from the speaker (archaic English
yon,
Spanish
aquella [FEM]). These distinctions are also expressed by locative demon-
stratives, e.g. English
here, German
hier, Spanish
aqui versus English
there, German
da, Spanish
ahí versus English
yonder, German
dort, Spanish
allí.
Quantifiers, as
the label implies, express quantity-related concepts. English quantifiers include
every,
each,
all,
many, and
few, as well as the numerals
one,
two,
three, etc., e.g.
every boy,
many books,
the seven sisters.
Classifiers serve to classify the nouns they modify in
terms of shape, material, function, social status and other properties. They are found in
many East and Southeast Asian and Mayan languages, among others. They are similar
in many respect to the measure words that occur with English mass nouns, but they
occur with all nouns regardless of the count–mass distinctions, e.g. Cantonese
yat bei
séui [one CL water] ‘one cup of water versus
yat ja séui ‘a jug of water’, versus
yat
jbun séui ‘a bottle of water’ with a mass noun,
nc ga dihnlóuh [this CL computer] ‘this
computer’ (classified as machine) versus
nc bouh dihnlóuh ‘this computer’ (classified
as model) versus
nc go dihnlóuh ‘this computer’ (classified as object) with a count
noun (Matthews and Yip 1994).
Conjunctions, like
and,
but and
or, serve to link the
elements in a conjoined expression. There are conjoined NPs, e.g.
a boy and his dog,
conjoined verbs, e.g.
Leslie danced and sang, and conjoined adjectives, e.g.
Lisa is
tall and slender. All major lexical categories can be linked by conjunctions to form
conjoined expressions; this will be discussed in more detail in chapters 3 and 4.
Complementizers mark the dependent clause is a complex sentence, e.g. English
that
as in
Sally knows that Bill ate the last piece of pizza. The final category is
particles,
which is a classification often given to elements which do not fall into any of the other
categories. Many particles have primarily
discourse functions, e.g. English
indeed,
German
doch, Spanish
entonces.
There is an important opposition that divides lexical categories into two general
classes, based on whether the membership of the class can readily be increased or not.
Languages can usually increase their stock of nouns, for example, by borrowing nouns
from other languages or creating new ones through
compounding (e.g.
black +
board
yields
blackboard) or other morphological means (e.g.
rapid +
-ly =
rapidly), but they
do not normally create or borrow new adpositions, conjunctions or determiners. Lexical
categories such as noun and verb whose membership can be enlarged are termed
open
class categories, whereas categories such as adposition, determiner or conjunction,
which have small, fixed membership, are called
closed class categories.
The definitions of lexical categories given so far are primarily the notional ones from
traditional grammar. These definitions seem intuitively quite reasonable to speakers
of Indo-European languages, and they seem to correlate nicely with the syntactic
functions of the different parts of speech. Let us define three very general syntactic
functions:
argument, modifier and
predicate. In a sentence like
the teacher read an
interesting book,
the teacher and
an interesting book are the arguments,
read is the
predicate, and
the,
an and
interesting are modifiers. Similarly, in
Kim is tall,
Kim is the
argument and
is tall is the predicate. The term ‘argument’ here includes NPs and PPs
functioning as subject, direct object or indirect object. The notions of predicate and
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argument will be discussed in more detail in the next chapter, but for now one can say
simply that in a sentence the predicate expresses the state of affairs that the referents of
the arguments are involved in. (The terms ‘predicate’ and ‘argument’ are also used in
semantics with a different meaning; they are being used here and elsewhere to refer to
syntactic notions, unless otherwise noted.) It is usual to distinguish 1-place, 2-place and
3-place predicates, depending on how many participants there are in the state of affairs
depicted by the predicate. Being sick is a state of affairs involving only one participant,
hence
be sick is a 1-place predicate which takes one argument, e.g.
Kim is sick. In
the
teacher destroyed the note, there is an action of destroying involving a teacher and
a note. Destroying involves a destroyer and something destroyed; hence
destroy is a
2-place predicate and takes two arguments. Finally, giving involves a giver, something
given and a recipient, and therefore
give is a 3-place predicate and takes three argu-
ments, e.g.
The teacher gave an interesting book to Kim. Given these distinctions, it
seems intuitively clear that nouns would be arguments, verbs would be predicates and
adjectives would be modifiers, and this is in fact the case very often.
But not always. Nouns and adjectives can function as part of a predicate, as in
Dana is a phonologist and
Chris was sick. Even though they are part of the predicate,
they are still formally distinct from verbs; they do not take
tense suffixes like verbs
do, i.e. *
Dana phonologists or *
Chris sicked. The
copula be, a kind of verb, carries
these verbal inflections. Contrast this with the situation in Lakhota, in which nouns and
adjective-like words do bear verbal inflections when functioning as predicates, in this
instance
agreement in
number with the subject.
(1.5)
a. WiAháCa ki hená lowT-pi.
Lakhota
man
the those sing-PL
‘Those men are singing.’1
a′. Lakhóta ki hená lowT-pi.
Sioux the those sing-PL
‘Those Siouxs (Indians) are singing.’
b. WiAháCa ki hená lakhóta-pi.
man
the those Sioux-PL
‘Those men are Siouxs (Indians).’
b′. Lakhóta ki hená wiAháCa-pi.
Sioux the those man-PL
‘Those Siouxs (Indians) are men.’
c. WiAháCa ki hená khúEa-pi.
man
the those sick-PL
‘Those men are sick.’
1 In most examples from languages other than English, there will be an interlinear
gloss with a translation for
each meaningful element in the sentence directly under it as well as a free translation into English in the
third line. In the interlinear gloss, the translation will be lined up directly under the element being translated.
Complex words will be broken up into their meaningful parts (see section 1.3 below) separated by hyphens,
and the translation for each part will be joined to the translations for the other parts by hyphens and placed
below the whole word. Thus in (1.5a), for example,
wiAháCa means ‘man’,
ki means ‘the’ and
hená means
‘those’; the last word,
lowTpi, is broken up into two parts,
lowT and
pi, which are linked by a hyphen, and
each part is translated (
lowT means ‘sing’ and
pi means ‘plural subject’), with the translations linked by a
corresponding hyphen and placed below the Lakhota word. If an element requires a translation involving more
than one English word, the words will be joined by a ‘.’, e.g. ‘was.washed’ in (2.4a). Finally, grammatical
notions like tense and number are glossed using abbreviations which are listed at the beginning of the book.
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An introduction to syntax
10
Nouns in Lakhota do not normally carry any indication of number; the only way to tell
that the NP containing
wiAháCa ‘man’ is
plural in (1.5a) is by means of the plural demon-
strative
hená ‘those’ (cf.
hé ‘that’). In particular, the plural suffix
-pi is impossible on
the noun
wiAháCa in (1.5a); based on (1.5a), (1.5a′), one could conclude that it occurs
only on verbs. But this would be incorrect, as the sentences in (1.5b, c) show. Nouns
like
wiAháCa ‘man’ do take
-pi when they function as a predicate, rather than as an
argument. Hence nouns in Lakhota seem to function readily as predicates, something
their English counterparts do not do. Adjective-like words also function directly as
predicates, as (c) illustrates; there is no copular element analogous to English
be in
either of these sentence types. Verbs and adjective-like words can also serve as arguments
in Lakhota, as in (1.6).
(1.6)
a. HokCíla ki hená Ahéya-pi.
Lakhota
boy
the those cry-PL
‘Those boys are crying.’
b. Bhéya ki hená hokCíla-pi.
cry
the those boy-PL
‘The ones crying are boys.’
c. KhúEaki hená wiAháCa-pi.
(cf. (1.5c))
sick the those man-PL
‘The sick ones are men.’
The verb
Ahéya ‘cry’ serves as the predicate in (1.6a) and the argument in (1.6b). Note
that in the English translation the verb
cry cannot simply function as the subject; it
must, rather, occur in a complex expression
the ones crying. In Lakhota, by contrast,
hokCíla ‘boy’ and
Ahéya ‘cry’ simply exchange positions in the sentence without any
formal modification. The same is true of the noun
wiAháCa ‘man’ and the adjective-
like word
khúEa ‘sick’ in (1.6c). Thus, the expected correlations between noun and
argument, verb and predicate and adjective and modifier are not as strong in Lakhota as
they are in English.
An even more striking example of this lack of correlation between lexical class and
syntactic function can be seen in Nootka, a Wakashan language spoken on Vancouver
Island in British Columbia, Canada (Swadesh 1939).
(1.7)
a. Wa|a:k-ma qo:=as-=i.
Nootka
go-3sgPRES man-the
‘The man is going.’
a′. Qo:=as-ma wa|a:k-=i.
man-3sgPRES go-the
‘The one going is a man.’
a″. Qo:=as-ma.
man-3sgPRES
‘He is a man.’
b. =i:t-ma
qo:=as-=i.
large-3sgPRES man-the
‘The man is large.’
b′. Qo:=as-ma =i:t-=i.
man-3sgPRES big-the
‘The large one is a man.’
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